User:Garygo golob/Čabar dialect/sandbox
| Čabar dialect | |
|---|---|
| ˈČebranšku naˈrẹːčje | |
| Pronunciation | ˈt͡ʃɛbɾanʃku naˈɾeːt͡ʃjɛ |
| Native to | Slovenia, Croatia |
| Region | Gorski Kotar, Upper Kupa Valley |
| Ethnicity | Slovenes, Croats |
Early forms | Southeastern Slovene dialect
|
| Dialects |
|
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | – |
 Čabar dialect | |
| South Slavic languages and dialects |
|---|
This article uses Logar transcription.
The Čabar dialect (Slovene: čabranško narečje [t͡ʃaˈbɾaːnʃkɔ naˈreːt͡ʃjɛ][1]) is a Slovene dialect, though not all speakers self-identify as speaking Slovene.[2] It is spoken along the Upper Kupa Valley, and Gorski Kotar in Slovenia and Croatia.[3] The dialect borders Lower Carniolan dialect to the north, Mixed Kočevje subdialects to the northeast, Kostel dialect to the southeast, Eastern Goran dialect to the south, and various Chakavian dialects to the southwest and west. The dialect belongs to the Lower Carniolan dialect group, and evolved from Lower Carniolan dialect plane.[4][5] Čabar dialect was until recently considered to be a part of Kostel dialect, but it was later discovered both dialects evolved differently, but are in process of becoming more similar to each other.[1]
Geographical distribution[edit]
Čabar dialect is spoken mainly in Croatia, however the northeastern part crosses the Croatia–Slovene border. Area extends from Babno Polje and Lazec in the north along Goteniška Gora to Mirtoviči and Gašparci in the east. It extends south to Delnice and extends west to Gorski Kotar. Notable settlements include Babno Polje, Lazec, Novi Kot, Draga, and Osilnica in Slovenia, as well as Prezid, Kozji Vrh, Gorači, Čabar, Crni Lazi, Tršće, Plešce, Vode, Gerovo, Mali Lazi, and Crni Lug in Croatia.[6]
Accentual changes[edit]
Čabar dialect lost the difference between high- and low-pitched accent on both long and short vowels, which are still differentiated, but in process of merging in Čabar, Hrvatsko and Bosljiva Loka microdialects.[7][8][9] It also underwent five accentual changes that are not found in all Slovene dialects: *ženȁ → *žèna, *məglȁ → *mə̀gla, *sěnȏ / *prosȏ → *sě̀no / *pròso, *visȍk → vìsok, and *kováč → *kòvač accent shift.[10][11] Some Bajtarji microdialects have also undergone the *ropotȁt → *ròpotat accent shift.[10] The northwesternmost microdialects of Babno Polje and Prezid have also undergone shift *gospodár → *gòspodar in few words. Newly accented vowels have usually been majorly reduced and akanye is common.[10]
Phonology[edit]
Monophthongization of vowels is present, however in opposition to eastern dialects, diphthongs are still present:[12]
- Non-final *ě̀ and *ě̄ diphthongized into ẹːi̯ which was later in some microdialects monophthongized to ẹː or ėː.
- Vowel *ō is rarely pronounced as a diphthong, it mostly simplified into ọː, ȯː or u.
- Non-final *è and ē, as well as non-final *ę̀ and ę̄ are pronounced as a diphthong only in the northern- and southernmost microdialects, elsewhere it monphthongized into ẹː or iː.
- Similarly, non-final *ò and ǫ̀, as well as ǭ are pronounced as a diphthong only in Babno Polje and Delnice dialects, elsewhere it monophthongized into ọː or ȯː.
- Newly stressed *e and *o after ženȁ → žèna shift mostly stayed as a diphthong i̯eː and u̯oː, or got simplified into eː and oː, respectively.
- Non-final *ə̀ and *ə̄ turned into aː.
- Non-final *à and *ā almost everywhere turned into aː.
- Non-final *ì and ī became either long or short i.
- Non-final *ù and ū became either long or short u or even ü.
- Non-final *l̥̀ and l̥̄ mostly evolved into ọːu̯ or u.
- Non-final *r̥̀ and r̥̄ mostly evolved into ər.
Akanye is also common, as well as e-akanye in prefix ne-. Ukanye is also present, turning word-final o into ȯ or u. Unstressed *u is often reduced into ü or i. Unstressed *ə evolved into e̥, ọ, ə or a.
Word-final *l and before consonants, it almost everywhere turned into u̯ or u, shvapanye (*l → u̯ before central and back consonants) is also common, but not before *u. Palatal *ĺ mostly depalatalized. Palatal *ń depalatalized if at the beginning of a word. Final *m turned into *n. Alpine Slovene *w evolved into many different sounds:
- Before a non-voiced (rarely also voiced) non-sonorant, it became f.
- v appeared before u at the beginning of a word.
- u̯ appeared before o at the beginning of a word.
- Cluster zv- simplified into zg-.
- Southern microdialects simplified *u̯m- into *xm-.
- It disappeared at the beginning of a word if followed by d, s, z, op p.
Sonorant j appears at the beginning of words that start with i and sometimes in between a vowel and a consonant. Some microdialects pronounce tl-/tn- as kl-/kn-. Consonant *x is also often simplified into f or š.
Morphology[edit]
Dual forms were fully replaced by plural endings when declining, verbs have archaic dual forms. Infinitive was replaced by the supine, but pluperfect is still in use. Imperative can be alternatively formed with pojdi + infinitive, or dajmo + infinitive for first person.[13]
Further division[edit]
Čabar dialect is then further divided into three groups: Bajtarji, Dragarji and Gebarji microdialects. Dragarji microdialects lack shvapanye, and is the smallest group, spoken in Lazec, Srednja Vas pri Dragi, Trava and Čabar. These speakers are thought to have moved here from inner Slovenia. Bajtarji microdialects have undergone the most vowel reduction, akanye is very common, as well as *hiša → šiša, *žejən → *žejgən etc. It covers the biggest area, from Babno Polje in the north to Gerovo and Osilnica in the south. Southern from Bajtarji microdialects are Gebarji microdialects, which have not undergone so much of vowel reduction, akanye is only present in syllable before the stressed syllable.[14]
References[edit]
- ^ a b Gostenčnik (2018:42–45)
- ^ Kapović, Mate (2017). The Position of Kajkavian in the South Slavic Dialect Continuumin in Light of Old Accentual Isoglosses. 62. De Gruyter. doi:10.1515/slaw-2017-0038.
{{cite book}}:|work=ignored (help) - ^ Toporišič, Jože. 1992. Enciklopedija slovenskega jezika. Ljubljana: Cankarjeva založba, p. 88.
- ^ Logar, Tine; Rigler, Jakob (2016). Karta slovenskih narečij (PDF) (in Slovenian). Založba ZRC.
- ^ Šekli (2018:335–339)
- ^ Gostenčnik (2018:179)
- ^ Gosteničnik, Januška (2018). Krajevni govori ob Čabranki in zgornji Kolpi (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. ISBN 978-961-05-0081-0.
- ^ Šekli (2018:337–339)
- ^ Ramovš (1935:143)
- ^ a b c Gostenčnik (2018:153)
- ^ Šekli (2018:311–314)
- ^ Gostenčnik (2018:117–152)
- ^ Gostenčnik (2018:181–219)
- ^ Gostenčnik (2018:175–178)
Bibliography[edit]
- Gostenčnik, Januška (2018). Krajevni govori ob Čabranki in zgornji Kolpi (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: Založba ZRC. ISBN 978-961-05-0081-0.
- Ramovš, Fran (1935). Historična gramatika slovenskega jezika [Historical grammar of the Sloene language]. VII. Dialekti (in Slovenian). Ljubljana: Znanstveno društvo za humanistične vede v Ljubljani.
- Šekli, Matej (2018). Legan Ravnikar, Andreja (ed.). Topologija lingvogenez slovanskih jezikov (in Slovenian). Translated by Plotnikova, Anastasija. Ljubljana: Znanstvenoraziskovalni center SAZU. ISBN 978-961-05-0137-4.
{{cite book}}:|work=ignored (help)